Claude Levi Strauss promulgated as ‘father of modern anthropology’, pioneered structuralism, which he developed through linguistics, and contributed to sociology in enormous ways. Amongst one of his most salient work is his study of Myths, in which he applied structuralism, and refuted the predominant homology between myth and ritual, through examples of rites and myths from North American tribes. In addition, he attempts to establish a dialectic relation between myth and ritual.
By employing the method used by Roman
Jakobson in structural linguistics on analyzing the Pawnee Indian traditions described by G.A.Dorsey, levi strauss analyses the
relationship between myth and rituals practiced among the tribes. This method
stresses the importance of considering the structure of the society being
studied.
For his analysis, the author uses the
myth of a pregnant boy. It is a story of a young boy with magical powers to
cure diseases and treat people who are visited frequently by an old jealous
medicine man accompanied by his wife to learn the secrets of his powers. When
the medicine man discovers that he would not obtain any information about the
boy’s magic, he eventually tricks the boy to become pregnant by serving some
medicinal herbs. The boy, ashamed of being pregnant, leaves the village to a
forest to end his life. There, he is pitied by the wild animals that help him
by extracting the foetus and teach him their magical powers. Later, the boy
comes back with those learned magic powers to kill the evil medicine man and
becomes a man of repute in the field of medicine in his village.
The author quotes the oppositions of
elements in the myth proposed in Dorsey’s work. The major differences are based
on age and sex differentiation. For example, the boy being young represents
fertility whereas the medicine man represents sterility given his old
age. Also, differences in magic – whether innate or acquired as well as
whether of plant or animal origin – have been made.
Many sociologist and anthropologist have considered the
inter-relation between the myth and the ritual to be mutually redundant.
Some see the
purpose of the myth being to provide a
foundation for the rite. Others consider rituals as the dramatised
illustration of the myth. Regardless of the above, they both replicate
each other and in other words a human logic. Using the Pawnees example,
Strauss goes on to show that there is no corresponding homology. Even if
there are some correspondences between myth and rituals they are few in
number. The homological relation cannot be seen in majority of cases
thereby comparison across the tribes cannot be possible. Hence this
homology cannot be claimed as a universal phenomenal.
Strauss further shows that the
Pawnee myth does not correspond to one of their rituals but is performed
by their neighbours the Mandan, the Hidatsa other plane groups which is
the asymmetrical opposite of the Pawnee myth which is based on innate
power. Moreover the Pawnee myth which talks about the shamanistic powers
does not reflect in their society but is there but is rather seen in the
tribes nearby. The shamanistic societies are the inverse of those of the
Pawnee where entry is by payment and organisation is as per age grade and
the relationship between the seller and the buyer is conceived as the
relationship between father and son when the son is accompanied by his
wife whom he offers for ritual intercourse to his father. Here we find
again all the oppositions which have been analysed at the level of myth
with inversion of all the values attributed to each couple: the initiated
and the non-initiated as father to son instead of as enemies; the
non-initiated and initiated, whereas in the myth he is the better shaman.
In the ritual of the plains it is the son who is accompanied by his wife
whereas in the myth it is the old man. Here the wife plays a significant
role sterilised by the father and conceive the son she does represents
the bisexuality which the Pawnee myth ascribed to the son. The
shamanistic values are the same but changed in relation to the symbols
which express them. The Pawnee myth exposes a ritual system which is the
reverse not of that prevailing among the Pawnee
but a system which do not employ
and which exists among related tribes whose ritual organisation is
exactly opposite of that of Pawnee. Levistrauss traces a relationship of
same type but of complex order between the Pawnee myth and a ritual named
Hako.
Hako it's an alliance ritual
between two groups. These groups may freely choose one another placing
themselves in a father-son relationship that also defines the stable
relationship between conservative age grade in Hidatsa and Mandan. Strauss
argues that the last phase of the Hako ritual invested with the sacred
character which offers a series of remarkable analogies with the myth of
the pregnant boy.
Strauss argues that in the myth as
well as the ritual all three protagonist son, father and wife are in
triadic relationship with each other. While the two protagonists are
identified with respect to sex, the son or the child is left
unidentified. In the myth the lack of identification of the son enables him
to be half-man and half-woman, in the ritual he becomes fully man and
fully woman. The ambiguity as to the sex of one of protagonists is
constantly emphasised regardless of the context.
Strauss lays out the genetic model of the myth, which generates it and gives it its structure and consists of the application of four functions of three symbols. The four functions are defined by the two fold opposition elder: younger, male: female from which stem the father-mother, son and daughter functions. Father and mother each use different symbol and the functions of son and daughter are merged under the third available symbol the child.
Thus, through the given examples of rites and rituals practiced by the Pawnee Indians as well as the tribes closely located or related to them, the author has established the importance of structural components of the groups in establishing the relationship between myth and rituals. The relationship between myth and ritual is therefore dialectical and is more complex than a relation of homology. This relation it is not enough to compare the myths with the ritual practice found in a given society. They must be compared with the believes and practises occurring in the neighbouring societies. Strauss, to conclude, thus developed the structure of myth , which is in mind.
Strauss
is and was well respected by his peers. However, there were his critics. He was
often blamed to state all events in his own structure i.e. being staunch about
it. In some of his later works, he almost reasoned the sequences in his
structural understanding which seemed unnatural. Moreover, Structuralism has
often been criticized for being ahistorical and for favouring deterministic structural forces over the ability of people to act.
But
these criticisms should not be conceived as an attack on his intellect, rather,
the evolution of his idea and taking these ideas as a base for further
studies. And the importance of Levi Strauss’s work can be seen in
influencing multiple theories post his theorization such as- structural
Marxism, post structuralism etc.
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