overview
·
Study conducted at resettlement site in Mumbai
·
METHODOLOGY: Socio-anthropological research & Fieldwork
·
Experiences of urban dalit women affected by displacement
·
How ’Social Factors’- Caste n gender, play significant role
in cities. (caste, religion, identity and gender.)
·
Consequences of process of displacement and resettlement.
·
Emergence of complex spaces at cities periphery and new forms of
urban exclusion
· Role of NGO’s and Civic authorities.
Intro
·
McKinsey’s recommendations to transform Mumbai into a “World
Class” city for capitalist projects- Relaxation of land acquisition &
Control over labor.
·
6 areas that needed improvement- Housing, economic growth,
transportation, governance, structure related to water, sanitation, health
facilities, population reduction.
·
Implementation lead to demolition of shanties – 3,00,000 homeless
people.
·
“Indian Tsunami”
·
Banerjee-Guha claimed this approach to be anti-poor- MMRDA &
McKinsey as “active collaborators”
·
Cernea defines “involuntary resettlement” process as consisting
of 2 components-
1)
displacement of people
2)
reconstruction of their livelihood
·
In India- Resettlement & Rehabilitation
·
It leads to social and political crisis
·
Muslim and Dalit women as the “silenced” and “invisible” victims
of urban development, displacement and resettlement.
Geographical Location and Profile
·
Lallubhai Complex, is located in the midst of the sprawling slums
of Mankhurd.
·
Holds approximately 72 five-storied buildings, divided into three
sectors, namely, A, B and C.
·
The host communities around this resettlement site- dalit and
Muslim communities, and predominantly belong to low-income families.
·
Approximately 1,000 makeshift tenements were constructed by the
Mumbai Urban Transport Project (MUTP) to accommodate project-affected families.
·
These families were promised that they would be rehoused in
Lallubhai Compound, but more than 50% of those residing since 2005 were not
given a tenement there under the pretext of lack of proper documentation
Unsettling
Households and Communities
·
serious flaws in the implementation of the process
of resettlement and rehabilitation.
·
Tata Institute of Social Sciences- “recycling of
poverty”
·
Another team of architects, and human rights
advocates who visited Lallubhai Compound deemed it a “vertical slum” and unfit
for decent living.
·
lack of access to civic amenities, public
transportation, access to a common place of worship and a heightened sense of
insecurity and lack of belongingness
·
access to basic amenities, including water and
transportation, has been a chronic issue.
·
Though access to public transportation, namely bus
services, has improved
·
residents were satisfied that they have a pucca
house which they legally own.
Commuting Made Difficult
·
There is no direct approach road to this resettlement site.
·
In spite of it being very close to the suburban railway station of
Mankhurd, it lacks public transportation to and fro.
·
Residents cross the patri (railway tracks) in order to
reach the station.
·
This “short cut” is highly risky and liable to punishment.
·
women and schoolgoing children compelled to take the other longer
and comparatively expensive routes to commute to their school or
workplace.
·
a major reason for loss of livelihood for many, particularly the
women.
·
Brihan Mumbai Electric Supply and Transport
·
relocation has caused job loss, financial economic stress, mental
stress, tension among family members, and loss of social network and support
system.
·
Along with these, alcoholism and a sense of hopelessness among the
men had increased.
Survival of the Fittest
·
In 2005, when the site was new and residents were just beginning
to occupy the tenements, the site lacked access to basic amenities
·
the state, the builders and the NGOs did not pay attention to the
basic standards of building codes/regulations.
·
Ventilation, Health and Crime: buildings
are too close to each other
-hallways
dark and dingy-breeding grounds for both disease and petty crimes.
·
Poor Infrastructure and Garbage
Disposal: Leakages and water clogging during the monsoons
-quality
of the construction material low-undersized pipes-no clearance of garbage.
·
Health Hazards of Water Shortage
and Defunct Toilets: major problem with the site- its
design.
-Room
size-225 square feet.
-Provision
of bath and toilet
·
Water: water
shortage during initial stages- forced to buy water from the nearby slums
·
“water intermediaries”
·
Improvement- from seven minutes to 30 minutes per day
·
Voicing Frustration: after
several struggles and protest rallies that some improvements were made.
-Residents
demanded daily water supply, removal of garbage, a safe approach road, a foot
overbridge to Mankhurd station, lights at the street inter- sections,
etc.
Neighbourhood
Conflicts
·
day-to-day conflicts and fights referred to as “kirkiri,
bachabachi or as bhandan” .
·
diverse social identities
·
“invading their privacy” and usurping scarce
resources such as water or occupying the upper floors.
·
elevator services
·
There was social discord amongst the residents over
“the other”
Insecurity, Crime and Segregation
·
overcrowding in certain buildings and hundreds of tenements that
are still unoccupied and vacant
·
unoccupied buildings- breeding grounds for the formation of gangs,
thefts, drug consumption by children, attacks on police and even cases of
rape.
·
This resettlement site comprises a mixed group of residents
belonging to diverse income and social groups.
·
communal conflicts were under-reported.
·
conflicts between lower-castes Hindus and Muslims over religious
processions.
·
Inter-religious love affairs (lafda), eve-teasing and the
emotional atmosphere during cricket matches played between India and
Pakistan.
·
segregation was practised across all castes, religions, and
language groups despite their common struggles and proximity
·
residential hierarchy- chawl, slum or pavement dwellers
·
hierarchies based on social identities- Hindus, Muslims,
Buddhists, (largely ex-Mahars), harijans (Tamil dalits of the Pariah caste),
and Christians.
·
Marathas (an upper caste) and Other Backward Caste Hindus
associated the problem of overcrowding with “these untouchable castes and
religion”.
·
The lower-caste Hindu residents always feared the Muslim
community
·
about seven masjids and we have only three Hindu temples”.
·
dalits were perceived as troublemakers and assertive by the
Hindus.
Segregated & Stigmatised Social/Community Life
·
There is a strong feeling of “we” among the Hindus, who consider
themselves as a majority. They disassociate themselves from the “others”
·
The women’s social life was restricted to within their buildings
·
Friendships across different castes, religions and languages were
rare.
·
Religious festivals were celebrated with great fervour and
thousands of rupees were spent on festivities.
·
These festivities were also an opportunity to register communal
presence and dis- play of power politics.
·
these celebrations were considered a “masculine” affair
Mandals and Caste and Class Conflicts
·
low- income households and Dalits faced additional problems
related to the increasing mandal activities.
·
They were further subdivided into committees to look after
religious affairs, women’s welfare, running nurseries for children, etc.
·
Each family had to spend between Rs 200 and Rs 400 as maintenance
cost per month.
·
donations for religious festivities were also collected from
residents varying between Rs 100 and Rs 500.
·
for families who survived hand-to-mouth, it was extremely
challenging.
Dalit Women and Their Social Life
·
Sanghamitra More’s(building no.62) experience with her Maratha
neighbours.
·
nobody
celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti and there was no common place of worship.
·
insistence on performing puja of goddesses Saraswati and Laxmi
that upset many women including Sanghamitra.
·
“they expected us to pray and bow to these goddesses… but this is
not our culture or way of life to worship Hindu goddesses. Next time if you
want “get-together” we would like to have photos of B R Ambedkar and Savitribai
Phule.”
·
Hindu women tried to dominate by organising pujas and festivals
and undertook activities that were suitable to Buddhist majority of
building.
Gender Struggles and Access to Public Space
·
process of development, displacement and rehabilitation lead to
gender bias and gender struggles making women the worst-affected victim.
·
Previous studies on resettlement sites illustrate that the burden
of collection of water invariably falls on women.
·
relocation and its impact on women and their livelihoods is common
across all castes, income groups, religions, and languages.
·
Most women had to give up their earlier jobs after relocation.
·
not the relocation alone but also lack of access to public
transportation that resulted in forcing them to stay back at home without
work
No Loitering or Availing of Common Facilities
·
In the initial phase, use of public space within the site was
largely restricted to men.
·
Common property resources such as the community halls, the
streets, the housing society office and playgrounds were considered “masculine”
spaces
·
Women were not meant to be seen on the streets, except for the few
who sold vegetables, fish or other petty groceries.
·
After dusk, women had no business being seen in such
spaces.
·
It
is a general understanding among women that well- behaved and women of “good
character” have no business to be on the streets or in any public space, but
can participate in civic activities as long as it benefits the men.
Casting Restrictions
·
This new mixed neighbourhood comprised people of different castes
and religions, thus positing different kinds of challenges.
·
Each
community perceived men of the other community as predators and a threat to
their women. This brought several restrictions on both women and particularly
younger girls.
·
restrictions and regulations were framed by parents who feared
that their young girls might elope and marry outside their caste and
religion
·
fear of rape, molestation and sexual harassment.
·
Women and girls felt their earlier slums/neighbourhoods were
much safer because of the familiarity.
Politics of Urban
Space and NGOs
·
Women vendors staying in Lallubhai Compound had to struggle to
access public spaces to earn their livelihood.
·
Street vending is one of the most visible sections of the informal
sector
·
they are harassed by the municipal and police officials who
collect hafta (bribes) from them.
·
Such collections are estimated to amount to Rs 400 crore
annually
·
there were only 15 to 20 women involved in vending who would sit
in the morning and evening during the prime hours.
·
women vendors exhibited their salesmanship as they were
particularly attentive to the needs of other women
·
NGO and some middle-income residents from Lallubhai Compound
alleged that the bazaar was a great inconvenience to the commuters and caused
congestion.
·
the middle-income residents, the NGO members and the authorities
failed to see this as an activity that benefited both, the vendors and the
buyers.
·
successfully evicted them from the streets and pushed them into
the mandi, located at a distance.
NGOs and Perceptions
of Dalit Women
·
Factions were a result of the degree of closeness and access that
certain house- holds/individuals had to influential individuals in the NGOs and
within the civic authorities.
·
Sandhya Rani Kumari regarded “influential”.
·
A handful of dalit men were part of these housing committees due
to the compulsions of showing diverse representation.
Issues of Exclusion
·
The large presence of the Nadar, Yadav and Muslim women isolated
the Marathi-speaking women who felt uncomfortable by the presence of both
Muslim and Nadar women.
·
Women in leadership roles in the committees or elsewhere largely
belonged to the Nadar community.
·
the power of granting crisis loans was given to the “leader” who
was often from the Muslim or Nadar community who were biased against
·
Other groups. Such instances were responsible for alienating a
large number of members who started doubting the system
·
This NGO and its alliances were known for its “politics of
accommodation, negotiation, and long-term pressures rather than of
confrontation or threats of political reprisal”
·
Issues over identity, representation and the declining role of the
state are bigger threats and concerns than so-called participation from below,
which continues to marginalise the historically marginalised women.
Conclusion
·
This study offers a microscopic insight into a peripheral and
neglected resettlement site of Mumbai, a socio-spatial periphery created by
larger violent processes of neo-liberal cities.
·
Several hierarchies of caste and religion mark gender
struggles
·
The role of NGOs in urban governance has become significant.
Though the finding of this study regards such NGOs as mediators of the state
and brokers
·
there is a need to understand the role of such NGOs from a
critical perspective, considering the experiences of women and dalit women in
particular.
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